Bernie Sanders is trying a new role in 2020: an indoor player

Bernie Sanders is trying a new role in 2020: an indoor player

Then, as is certainly the case, Sanders will pull quickly.

“Joe is a friend of mine,” he would have shown as an alert, “a respectable man,” before he regretted Biden’s electoral record or expectations in a general election.

Nearly two months after the initial elections effectively ended, Biden’s campaign and Sanders senior leadership have succeeded in crafting a ceasefire in the ideological war that has dominated the Democratic Party and its bold left wing over the past five years. Deep and steady divisions over key issues make peace fragile, but the personal bond between Sanders and Biden, which conflicts with the party’s evolving power dynamics and a country deviated from crisis to crisis under President Donald Trump, paved the way for Democrats entering general elections this fall with a unity of purpose that they lack To it in 2016.

The breakthrough is quietly nurtured by Sanders Fayez Shaker’s campaign manager and Biden senior associate Anita Dan and Ron Klein. Shaker and Dunn, who upset Bernworld when she compared Sanders’ performance to “Protester” after his discussion with Biden, spoke regularly. In an interview last week, Shaker praised her for setting “tone and significance” in private conversations that encouraged the relationship.

“They work with the best intention,” Shaker said. Now this does not necessarily mean that you will get all the results you want. “Obviously, we should see where the outputs are in terms of these teams (created by the campaigns), but we are working with a full reality, knowing that we will not get everything we want.”

“It was encouraging.”

In May, the campaigns announced the creation of six “unity” task forces that focus on politics and charged them with making recommendations for Biden and the party to consider and possibly add to the statute. Shaker said the meetings started this month remotely via tools such as Zoom, and the groups are expected to present their work to Biden by the end of June.

The participants were mostly outspoken about the details of the talks, but Varshini Prakash, the executive director of the sunrise movement and a member of the climate task force co-chaired by New York Rep. Alexander Okasio Cortez, tweeted a video last week describing itself as “cautiously optimistic” after two meetings.

“I also saw Biden people bring in a lot,” Prakash said after praising Okasio Cortez and environmental justice activist Catherine Flowers. “Representative (Donald) McCyachin from Virginia offers many ideas on how to set policies from the bottom up where we listen first and formulate policy for what societies need. (Former EPA Director) Gina McCarthy emphasizes the importance of timelines and urgency – that the benefits of this transition need To reach people today and tomorrow, not by 2050. So it was encouraging. “

The choice of progressive leaders, some of whom are accustomed to occupying legislators’ offices rather than sitting with them at a virtual conference table, have chosen private negotiations on public disagreements as a sign of the movement’s success and a testament to Biden’s unique political talent.

A number of Sanders aides were quick to note, as they had done in the past, that Biden was one of the few Democrat figures who had contacted Sanders when the Democrat from Vermont was still seen as the curiosity of Capitol Hill, an eccentric on the margins of current.

“Very few people in the Senate did their best to say,” Hey Bernie, how are you? “I do not say they go out for beer every Friday, but Biden made an effort to build a relationship between Bernie and communicate with him, which affected Bernie,” said Ben Toulshin, Sanders’ campaign candidate.

Toulshin described himself as a “prominent defender” during the primary for Sanders to make more “contrast” strongly with Biden on the trail and in the discussions.

He said, “Bernie has always been reluctant to do so.” “Partly because he was in a relationship with Biden. He would have done that, but he never liked to do it. He didn’t want to do that.”

Another former Sanders aide, who worked closely with him on both campaigns, recalled that the relationship extended beyond the Senate, where they only briefly interfered, during Biden’s years at the White House. This included conversations during the 2016 primaries, when the two were speaking from time to time on the phone at a time when most of the Foundation’s personalities were clearly heading.

But Sanders’ other allies believe that the husband’s personal rapprochement stories are either exaggerated or exaggerated in the current context. They claim that what has changed is simple: Sanders has a strong political base and his signature policies, such as “Medicare for All”, are popular.

“I think a lot of people might resort to talking about who these two people are, what kind of relationship they have, all of this kind of thing,” said Sarah Nelson, international head of the association. “I think none of that matters.” Flight attendants. “That’s all a little difference, sure, but that doesn’t really matter. The big difference here is that Bernie Sanders has more power in 2020 than it was in 2016.”

From 2016 to 2020

Returning to 2015, during the first presidential bid for President Sanders, his top advisers in Biden saw a potential rival – if he had run as a candidate – who “has a strong relationship with working-class voters” as campaign manager for 2016 and former chief adviser Jeff Weaver wrote in his 2018 book, ” It could have created competition for the voices of ordinary workers. “

Wafer writes that Biden’s choice to stay out of the race was not a surprise, as he recalled that Vice President made the decision formal in Rose Garden’s speech, President Barack Obama to his side, in October 2015. Listen to Biden’s comments during a lunch at a bar in Washington that day with Tad Devine, Sanders’ senior advisor in 2016, has been hit by Weaver with hits from Biden’s letters.

“He denounced income inequality, called free university fees, criticized the political establishment, etc.” Wafer wrote. Tad looked at me and said, “Oh my God! This is our message. This is what we run on. “In fact it was.”

Nearly five years later, after Sanders came again a short time, Weaver and other former aides announced in April the formation of a new Super PAC dedicated to increasing support for Biden with Sanders’ young diverse base of progressive voters.

“I think those who thought Trump would win in 2016 still believed he would lose. It turned out to be not the case,” Weaver told CNN on Friday, adding that he expected the 2020 race to be determined similarly on the sidelines. He also offered a joint assessment across much of Bernieworld: that Biden was more flexible, in terms of policy details, than much from the left.

Khalaf Weaver as campaign manager, Shaker, argued the same thing – that Biden, hardly ideological, had room for maneuver as he worked to develop his coalition.

Shaker said: “Biden, the way he campaigned and who he is, left a lot of room for policy development. He didn’t campaign on a strong political platform.” “This is not how he won.”

Before Weaver left Sanders’ campaign to launch his new group, he was sent with a shaker by Sanders – who was still in the race – as envoys to Biden camp.

Shaker said: “When Bernie was talking about suspending the campaign, he didn’t make a decision. He asked me and Jeff at the time to go and start talks with Biden’s crew to see how much progress we could make.” And I said (to Sanders) “Well, what are your main goals here?” “It is very simple,” he said. “We need progressive policies and progressive staff embraced by Joe Biden.”

The ensuing talks eventually resulted in teams and the type of working relationship Sanders and Clinton had not achieved, despite some successful efforts to find compromise positions on issues such as higher education.

One of Sanders’ top aides said: “All of this was set in 2016, as I think Hillary’s campaign was not interested in Bernie’s contribution and has a chip on her shoulder.” “In this case, this was not the situation at any moment or turn.”

A former Clinton aide from 2016 acknowledged that Biden was more successful in bringing Sanders and his allies, noting the public offering of the working groups, but said there were “real efforts” on Clinton’s behalf “to do everything we could to crush the dynamism that had developed during the elementary stage. “

“The Biden people did it in a really smart way. But we tried to do these things in 2016 and their full resistance to playing football generated more and more dissatisfaction on both sides,” said former Clinton aide. At some point, the feeling (among some in the Clinton campaign) was, “You cannot define all conditions. People voted for its agenda, not yours. “

In a statement, Biden spokesman Andrew Bates described the relationship of his former rivals, praising Sanders and getting him to work.

“Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders are friends and they have a strong belief that we need a government that will provide working families,” Bates said. “Senator Sanders and his team were extraordinary partners in providing advice and support on the greatest challenges of our time, such as overcoming climate change and rebuilding the American middle class – especially after the outbreak of COVID-19.”

Sanders aides and allies are still reluctant to give up any role in Clinton’s defeat. But in interviews for this story, they cited almost unanimously, in a list along with the personal relationships of the candidates and the Coronary Virus Crisis, “Lessons of 2016” – as Tulshin described it – as a key factor in shaping relationships this time around.

The fruits of the task forces, and whether Biden and his team decide to embrace them, will also go a long way in setting the expiration date in this era of good feelings. Sanders and his inner circle are clearly committed to seeing it, at least through elections. But now the leaders who are active on the table with Biden’s campaign have more sophisticated questions to answer – their efforts will likely come at the expense of credibility within their movements.

Union leader Nelson, co-chair of the Economic Task Force, said her decision to participate was simple: “I don’t say never be on the table,” Sanders asked.

“Look at the people appointed to these committees,” she said. “What you see is bringing together the most diverse group of Democrats that I’ve seen anywhere. And this is the Bernie Alliance. He talked about building a new democratic alliance and I think the task forces, whether I look at and reflect that of Bernie or Biden’s appointment.”

Karthik Janapathy, a progressive strategist and assistant Sanders in 2016, praised Biden’s campaign for her modesty in explicitly engaging and trying to win a mass of voters – progressive youth – who had fought with them during the primaries.

But he warned of a mysterious water in the future.

“Will (Biden’s team) attend key progressive employees? Will they make major commitments to the sunrise movement, to AOC and other people in that task force?” Ganapathy said. “These decisions will show me if they are seriously interested in building a ramp for the Bernie people to get on the train.”

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